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Iran: The Goharshad Mosque Massacre in Mashhad

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Ordered by Reza Shah The massacre at Goharshad Mosque in Mashhad on July 14, 1935, stands as one of the darkest acts of the Pahlavi monarchical tyranny. The conflict erupted over the forced imposition of Western-style clothing and hats, a policy presented under the guise of modernization but entirely devoid of any political freedom. The tensions that culminated in the massacre began to build in mid-July 1935. On July 10th, authorities began arresting protesters and public speakers. On the evening of July 12th, the order for a military assault was issued. With a battle bugle call, Reza Khan’s army forces attacked protesters who had staged a sit-in at the Goharshad Mosque—the epicenter of the dissent—leaving many killed and wounded. On July 14, 1935, Reza Shah massacred countless souls at Goharshad Mosque for protesting a forced dress code. The crime wasn't just the violence, but the principle: a dictator imposing his will on the people. #No2ShahNo2Mullahs #FreeIran2025 pic.twitter.com/YtjMM9OO87 — SIMAY AZADI TV (@en_simayazadi) July 12, 2025 The slaughter peaked on July 14th. Reza Khan’s forces set up machine guns in the archways of the Goharshad Mosque and positioned artillery on Tehran Street in Mashhad, directly opposite the shrine complex. They continued their assault, killing a great number of people. The bodies of the victims were later buried in mass graves in Mashhad. This event was rooted in the geopolitical shifts of the era. Following the fall of the Tsarist monarchy in Russia and the 1917 October Revolution at the end of World War I, British colonialism sought to build a buffer to protect its Asian colonies, particularly India. To achieve this, Britain orchestrated the rise of Reza Khan, a Cossack officer who had previously been aligned with Tsarist Russia. Through a 1921 colonial coup directed by the British General Edmund Ironside (Commander of British Forces in Iran), Reza Khan was brought to power, and by 1925, he was installed on the throne. Fourteen years after the coup of February 22, 1921, Reza Shah traveled to Turkey in 1935. Upon his return, he issued a directive forcibly banning the hijab for women and mandating the European-style fedora (Shapo) for men. (Source: A Twenty-Year History by Hossein Makki, p. 144 onwards).  A Twenty-Year History by Hossein Makki, p. 144 Similar measures were implemented in both Iran and Afghanistan, seemingly as part of a political bloc guided by a single source: British colonialism. The British aimed to preserve the feudal infrastructure of these countries while introducing certain reforms to protect them from the wave of radical revolutions and socialist republics. A reform or prelude to ruin Iran’s economy and oppress people? This pattern repeated itself four decades later in Iran. During Mohammad Reza Shah’s so-called “White Revolution.” The Shah and his royal court pivoted from the old British colonialism, which was based on feudalism, to a dependent capitalist regime. When John F. Kennedy came to power in the United States in 1961, Iran was once again in a state of crisis, seven years after the 1953 coup against the democratic government of Dr. Mohammad Mossadegh. The Shah was forced to accept the premiership of Ali Amini, who was tasked with implementing reforms, following a teachers’ strike and uprising in May 1962. However, he dismissed Amini 14 months later and took charge of the land reform project himself, under the title of the White Revolution, to fulfill American demands. But in Reza Shah’s time, he himself was the biggest feudal lord in Iran. He left the feudal infrastructure untouched while forcibly seizing lands, especially the fertile lands of northern Iran, under the banner of royal estates. He also encouraged his army commanders to acquire property and real estate. At the same time, to maintain control, particularly in cities that were the base of the urban bourgeoisie and petit bourgeoisie, administrative and judicial reforms were necessary—on the condition that they did not lead to any political reforms related to the freedoms won during Iran’s Constitutional Revolution. The architect of these administrative and bourgeois reforms was Mohammad Ali Foroughi, a veteran British agent who served as Reza Shah’s Prime Minister and advanced his agenda with his British-aligned team. Foroughi was the same man who played a key role, in coordination with the British embassy, in the exile of Reza Khan from Iran in August 1941 and the installation of Mohammad Reza Shah. While Reza Shah accepted the administrative and bourgeois reforms demanded by Britain due to the pressures of the time, political freedom remained an uncrossable red line for his tyranny throughout his reign. For this reason, the foundations of feudalism also remained intact. Similarly, various nationalities, from our Arab compatriots in Khuzestan to those in Baluchistan, Kurdistan, and Lorestan, were subjected to the most severe repression. Meanwhile, the D’Arcy Oil Concession (a petroleum exploration agreement that gave Britain exclusive rights to Iranian oil) was extended in 1933 for another 30 years in favor of British colonialism, accompanied by a great deal of propaganda and fanfare. D’Arcy Oil Concession Had reaction and colonialism not stood in the way of Iran’s Constitutional Revolution and suppressed it, it is clear that the revolution, in the course of its development, would have dismantled the system of large landownership and the feudal regime. But Reza Khan carried out his mission with absolute dictatorship and widespread massacres. The massacre at Goharshad Mosque over the forced imposition of Western clothing and hats, a policy devoid of any political freedom, was one of the products of this dark royal tyranny. What is interesting is that Asadi, the custodian of the Astan-e Quds Razavi (the foundation managing the Imam Reza shrine and Iran’s largest Islamic financial endowment or Moqofati), was opposed to this repression at the time. As a result, he was dismissed and later executed on the Shah’s orders. Reza Khan’s military apparatus blamed Asadi for the turmoil and riots. Another noteworthy point is the position of Ruhollah Khomeini, founder of the current clerical regime, during the massacre. Khomeini, who claimed the status of ijtihad (the authority to

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Crisis After Evin Prison Attack: Prisoners Moved, Conditions Deteriorate

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Sudden Transfer of Prisoners to Qarchak and Greater Tehran Under Dire Conditions – Mass Transfer Following Attack on Evin According to reports tallied by the Iranian oppositions, People’s Mojahedin Organization (PMOI/MEK) sources from inside Iran, on June 23, at 7pm local times, approximately 2,000 inmates, including 180 political prisoners from Ward 4 of Evin Prison, were hastily transferred to Fashafouyeh (Greater Tehran Prison) following the attack on Evin. Evin Prison chief Hedayat Farzadi stormed Ward 4 with armed guards, ordering all inmates to evacuate immediately to Greater Tehran Prison, forbidding them from taking any of their belongings. In an attempt to hide the relocation from the outside world, regime officials demolished internal walls between prison sections to carry out the transfer covertly. Prisoners resisted the forced evacuation, raising chants in protest. Farzadi, reportedly too afraid to access his own office or archives, had no official records during the transfer. Instead, he asked prisoners for their names verbally, one by one. The relocated inmates now face severe overcrowding, with 40 people confined per cell, critical food shortages—only one so-called lunch in a plastic bag without a spoon—and just one toilet and one washbasin for every 80 individuals. 🚨BREAKING – EXCLUSIVE: On June 23, 7PM local time, Evin Prison chief Hedayat Farzadi stormed Ward 4 with armed guards, ordering inmates to evacuate to Greater Tehran Prison—no belongings allowed. Regime demolished walls to hide the move. Inmates resisted with chants. #Iran pic.twitter.com/pY1JLwZpnb — SIMAY AZADI TV (@en_simayazadi) June 24, 2025 Meanwhile, female political prisoners transferred to Qarchak Women’s Prison are also at grave risk due to a complete lack of basic medical, sanitary, and living facilities. Despite strict censorship and the regime’s deliberate efforts to conceal its crimes against prisoners—particularly political inmates—much of the information in this report has been provided by courageous sources from within Iran. Qarchak Women’s Prison in Varamin: Life in the “Club” Next to a Waste Incinerator Following the explosion at Evin, female political prisoners were transferred to Qarchak Women’s Prison in Varamin without any access to first aid, even though several were injured. Their new holding area is a section known as the “Club”—a metal shed with no windows, no ventilation, and located directly beside a waste incineration site. According to informed sources, the health and environmental conditions in this facility are described as “unbearable.” The transfer occurred so abruptly that many prisoners could not retrieve medications, personal belongings, or medical documents. Several of the women suffer from chronic illnesses and still have no access to essential medication, nor have they been allowed to retrieve them. As of the time of this report, no official information about the registration of these women appears in Qarchak’s prison system, raising serious concerns about their legal and physical status. Whether this relocation is temporary or permanent remains unknown, adding to the distress of families and human rights advocates. Living and Humanitarian Conditions in Qarchak: A System in Collapse Reports from inside Qarchak reveal critical failures in sanitation, nutrition, medical care, and overall safety: Inmates only have access to salty, undrinkable water. Their only option for clean drinking water is to purchase bottled water at inflated prices from the prison store. Structural Corruption and an Internal Mafia Testimonies from within the prison describe a powerful internal mafia that obstructs access to legal aid and medical treatment. Soghra Khodadadi, the prison director, along with the head of the women’s ward and several guards, are named by prisoners as enforcers of this informal power structure. According to inmates, this group routinely blocks furloughs, medical transfers, and even ignores legal documents related to early release—even in cases where prisoners have repaid debts or made financial restitution. One harrowing case involves a woman who entered prison with skin cancer and later developed uterine cancer. Despite an official recommendation by the forensic medical examiner for urgent pelvic surgery, prison authorities demanded a 15-billion toman bail for her medical furlough—an amount impossible for her family to secure. Torture, Abuse, and Social Isolation in Prison Numerous credible reports describe systematic physical and sexual abuse inside Qarchak Prison. Inmates report beatings, threats, humiliation, and degrading treatment by guards. The absence of medical care, hygiene, and legal rights creates an inhumane and unsafe environment. Female prisoners face extreme social isolation, lacking both visitations and regular contact with their families. The psychological burden from this isolation is profound and deeply damaging. Greater Tehran Prison: Heat, Overcrowding, Hunger, and Suffocation The men transferred to Greater Tehran Prison are also reported to be in deeply troubling conditions, especially in terms of hygiene, nutrition, and overall welfare. The prison consists of warehouse-like metal buildings with sloped iron roofs. In the intense summer heat, these structures retain extreme temperatures, functioning like iron furnaces. Prisoners have no fans or air conditioning, leading to widespread heatstroke, headaches, and low blood pressure, particularly among elderly and ill detainees: Family Contact: Limited and Degrading To contact their families, inmates must stand in long lines for limited phone access. There are too few phone lines, call durations are short, and the connection quality is poor. This adds to the emotional toll on prisoners and families alike. Repeated complaints by prisoners have gone unanswered. In some cases, those who speak out face threats, punishment, and degrading reprisals. Conclusion The attack on Evin Prison and the subsequent mass transfer of prisoners have triggered a major humanitarian crisis inside Iran’s prison system. Unsanitary living conditions, denial of medication, isolation from families, and internal corruption all reflect systematic violations of human rights. Meanwhile, the regime continues to enforce strict censorship and suppress reporting. The majority of the information in this report comes from sources inside Iran, who have risked their safety to expose conditions that the regime seeks to keep hidden from the world.

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Iran – 75th Week of “No to Execution Tuesdays”

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July 1, 2025 – In the 75th week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign, political prisoners in 47 prisons across Iran continued their coordinated hunger strike, protesting the genocidal regime’s weaponization of the death penalty and widespread political repression. In their weekly statement, the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign cited alarming statistics: at least 17 people—including one woman—were executed over the past four days, bringing the post-Nowruz total since mid-March to 424. Last week alone saw 18 executions—an unprecedented figure in recent years, signaling what the campaign called “a horrifying escalation.” The “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign warned that new legislation recently passed by the regime’s puppet parliament aims to intensify crackdowns on political dissent through executions and harsher sentences. “This signals an explosive societal crisis governed by an illegitimate and repressive state that sacrifices the right to life for its own survival,” they stated. Among those executed were three Kurdish porters—Azad Shojaei, Edris Ali, and Rasoul Ahmad Mohammad—whom the regime accused of espionage. The campaign described the legal proceedings as “non-transparent and unjust.” The “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign also raised concerns over a fresh wave of politically motivated arrests in various cities. “There is serious concern that many of those arrested are facing heavy charges and will be denied fair trials,” they reported, underscoring fears that the regime is preparing new waves of executions. “In this climate, the lives of political prisoners on death row are more endangered than ever,” the campaign declared. They renewed their demands for the abolition of the death penalty and the release of all political and ideological prisoners. The statement also called on international organizations and the global public to take action: “Be the voice of prisoners on death row,” they urged. “The regime not only failed to protect inmates during wartime bombings but is now exacting vengeance on both prisoners and the people.” The campaign encouraged families of the newly detained to break their silence and publicly demand the unconditional release of their loved ones. Additionally, with the closure of Evin Prison and the transfer of its inmates, Qarchak Prison will now replace Evin on the list of participating hunger strike facilities. The campaign vowed to continue its weekly actions until executions are halted and political prisoners are freed.

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70th Week of “No to Execution Tuesdays” Across Iran

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The “No to Execution Tuesdays” weekly hunger strike continues to protest the genocidal regime’s systematic use of the death penalty as a tool of repression. In their statement, the campaign declared: “With deep sorrow, we must report that the killing of prisoners in Iran’s dungeons of tyranny has not only continued but is accelerating. In the past month alone, the regime executed over 170 inmates—a horrifying, unprecedented number that equates to two executions every nine hours.” The campaign highlighted the disproportionate targeting of marginalized communities, noting that approximately 19% of those executed were from the oppressed Baloch minority. “The regime’s machinery of death tramples the right to life of ethnic, religious, and ideological minorities,” the campaign stated, “sending Baloch, Kurdish, Arab, and political prisoners to the gallows without fair trials.” As the global human rights community remains largely silent, prisoners and their families are filling the void. “Silence is not an option,” the campaign insisted. “This is a clear crime against humanity and a gross violation of international law.” In a show of resilience, political prisoners in Evin women’s ward have launched a symbolic act of defiance: every Tuesday, they gather to chant “No to Execution” in unison with protesters outside. The campaign praised this unity, calling it “a powerful message of solidarity inside and outside prison walls.” The campaign concluded: “We welcome the courageous decision of prisoners in Fardis Prison to join our strike this week. We call on all who believe in a free and just Iran—especially those with international platforms—to echo the cry of our people: No to Execution.”

No to Executions Tuesday
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67th Week of “No to Execution Tuesdays” – Iran Hunger Strike Spreads to 41 Prisons Amid 154 Executions Since March

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May 6, 2025 – The 67th week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign saw prisoners in 41 prisons across Iran refuse food in protest of the mullahs’ regime’s accelerating use of the death penalty. Launched by inmates as a weekly hunger strike movement, the campaign continues to spotlight the genocidal regime’s weaponization of execution to crush dissent. According to the campaign’s weekly statement, the past seven days saw 29 people hanged: 15 on April 30 and 9 more on May 4. Since the Persian New Year began on March 21, at least 154 executions have taken place—an alarming escalation. In a particularly brutal incident, the regime killed a protester named Azim Farkhond in Dezful. He had joined local citizens in opposing the execution of two detainees when security forces shot him with live ammunition. “He is the first martyr of the ‘No to Execution’ campaign since its inception,” the campaign declared. “We honor his memory and reaffirm that this regime will never cease executions while in power.” The campaign emphasized that the regime’s increasing reliance on executions stems from its political desperation. “Faced with domestic and international deadlock, the regime uses execution as its primary instrument of repression,” the statement read. “It seeks to paralyze protest and forestall public uprisings.” Calling on the international community to act decisively, the campaign warned: “The death penalty, in the hands of this dictatorship, is more dangerous than any weapon. It is imperative that international human rights organizations pressure their governments to condition relations with Iran on the abolition of executions.” As the hunger strike continues into its 67th week, the campaign closed with a renewed appeal: “We continue to urge all sectors of society to unite and rise—by any means possible—against the death penalty.”

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Simay Azadi Exclusive: Letter from MEK-Supporting Prisoners in Ghezel Hesar Prison

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On the occasion of May 1st, International Workers’ Day, a group of People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI-MEK)-supporting political prisoners in Ghezel Hesar Prison issued a letter honoring the suffering and sacrifice of Iran’s laboring class under the mullahs’ regime. “Let us pause,” they wrote, “to remember the murdered and buried miners, the workers burned alive in IRGC depot explosions in Bandar Abbas, those killed due to safety violations, and the families of workers trapped in poverty, illness, and slow death.” They emphasized that for decades—under both the Shah’s monarchy and the current theocracy—workers demanding their rights have been suppressed and gunned down. The prisoners noted that in over forty years of the genocidal regime’s rule, real wages and purchasing power for wage earners have continuously declined—whether they are industrial workers, teachers, nurses, clerks, university professors, or public doctors. “Aside from a handful of thieves, cronies, embezzlers, and regime insiders, the vast majority of our people live under the poverty line,” the letter declared. They held the IRGC, regime-controlled foundations, and monopolistic smuggling and trade cartels directly responsible for Iran’s economic ruin. At the top, they named Ali Khamenei and his “wage-drawing” government as the masterminds of ongoing schemes to extract what little remains from the public. “They’ve even set their sights on families’ emergency savings,” the letter warned, condemning a recent proposal for state-controlled ‘investment’ of private deposits. The prisoners mocked the regime’s deception: “This regime has nothing in common with workers or their rights—it is their sworn enemy. It spreads unemployment deliberately. In today’s Iran, the cheapest and most expendable commodity is labor itself.” They illustrated this injustice by citing construction costs, noting that only 15% of the final price of a home goes to the workers and technicians, while the rest is devoured by inflated land, materials, and state-controlled infrastructure. Concluding their letter, the prisoners proclaimed that the only viable path for workers, teachers, nurses, retirees, and the broader public is uprising: “The cry of every worker must be: Death to the Oppressor—be it the Shah or the Supreme Leader!” Signed:Supporters of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) – Ghezel Hesar PrisonApril 30, 2025

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Iran: 66th Week of “No to Execution Tuesdays” – Hunger Strike Amid Bandar Abbas Tragedy

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April 29, 2025 – In the 66th week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign, prisoners in 41 prisons across Iran renewed their hunger strike to protest the genocidal regime’s use of the death penalty. This week’s strike coincided with a national catastrophe—the devastating explosion in Bandar Abbas, which has so far claimed many lives and left many more people injured. In their statement, the campaign expressed condolences to the victims’ families, emphasizing that “the tyrannical rulers and the terrorist IRGC” were responsible for the tragedy. They stressed that “the full extent of the human and financial toll remains unclear,” warning of continued threats due to the regime’s militaristic pursuits. Citing alarming figures, the campaign reported that 35 individuals had been executed in Iran since the start of April, including one woman and two political prisoners. Rustam Zeyn al-Din from Zahedan and Hamid Hosseinnejad Heydaranlou were among those executed. The campaign denounced their deaths as “brutal” and highlighted that Mr. Heydaranlou’s body was not even returned to his family, calling it a “flagrant violation of human rights and evidence of the regime’s fear of popular revolt.” Further escalating concern, the Supreme Court of the mullahs’ regime rejected retrial petitions for two political prisoners, Mehdi Hasani and Behrouz Ehsani, leaving them dangerously close to execution. The campaign took the opportunity to commemorate International Workers’ Day and National Teachers’ Day, offering congratulations to Iran’s workers, teachers, and retirees. However, they also noted that “for years, the working and teaching classes have endured systematic oppression, imprisonment, and execution at the hands of the genocidal regime.” In an act of solidarity, prisoners at Sanandaj Prison announced that they have joined the hunger strike campaign as of April 29. “By joining ‘No to Execution Tuesdays,’ we seek to make our voices heard around the world,” they stated in a letter. Thousands of prisoners across Iran currently live under death sentences, facing the constant threat of execution. The “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign reaffirmed its commitment to make ‘No to Execution a national demand until executions are abolished

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Iran’s Bandar Abbas Catastrophic Explosions: Simay Azadi’s Exclusive Eyewitness Reports- Part 1

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Summary A Massive explosion at Iran’s Bandar Abbas Rajaei Port on April 26, followed by another one on April 27 has left the city in ruins, with exclusive eyewitness reports obtained by Simay Azadi revealing a far graver humanitarian disaster than official sources admit. The inferno began when a fire broke out among poorly stored containers holding everything from flammable chemicals and solid rocket fuel to baby formula, clothing, technical parts, and plastic waste. According to on-site witnesses, the heat rapidly triggered massive explosions across the port. “At first, there was a fire among the containers,” reported one witness. “After a few moments, a huge explosion occurred, and the flames spread to the other containers carrying flammable materials.” Sources confirm that in January, two ships from China had delivered large quantities of sodium perchlorate, used in solid missile fuel, to the port. Sodium perchlorate can explode through heat, shock, or the presence of a detonator — all three of which were present during Sunday’s disaster. “I work at the dock,” said a local laborer. “There are two container yards, each employing 150 to 200 workers. Many of my colleagues died — Mrs. Bakhto, Mrs. Tima, Mrs. Khavar, Ali Samiei, Saeed Nami, and many others.” “This Place Is Hell” Eyewitness testimonies describe a nightmarish scene: The human toll is catastrophic. Simay Azadi reporters confirmed from multiple sources: A worker described, “Where I was loading, there were 40 Baluchi workers — and now there’s no trace of them.” Another man reported: “The smell of corpses fills the air. It’s impossible to breathe. There’s sulfur everywhere.The number of dead is far beyond what anyone can imagine.” A grieving colleague recounted, “Ali Tima, 28 years old, was killed. They will bring his body tomorrow to bury him in his village. He had just gotten married 10 days ago.” Missing Persons and Overwhelmed Hospitals The tragedy has also led to the disappearance of many workers: Conditions in hospitals are desperate: One survivor explained, “Some of the injured — especially the women — have had their eyes gouged out, or lost arms and legs.” Another eyewitness, crying, said: “Many bodies are burned so badly that you can’t tell who they are.Some faces are completely unrecognizable.Still, many children and workers are trapped under rubble.” Regime Denials and Censorship Eyewitnesses and Simay Azadi reporters say that the Iranian regime has launched an active cover-up: “Don’t believe the regime’s numbers,” one witness warned. “They are lying. The real death toll is much higher.” A worker added, “This is the Empire of Lies.They don’t show any of this disaster to the world.” Another said, “Even now, the fire hasn’t been extinguished. Hundreds are dead. Thousands are injured. This is hell on earth.” According to multiple independent reports, four ammonium nitrate tanks belonging to a company affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) also exploded during the disaster, worsening the devastation. “Bandar Abbas Has Become a Graveyard” Residents are in mourning. Streets are filled with crying families searching for loved ones.The air is thick with sulfur, smoke, and the stench of death.Life in Bandar Abbas has come to a standstill. One exhausted worker, shaking with grief, told Simay Azadi: “People are homeless. Families are devastated.There’s no breathing space left.Rajaei Port has become a graveyard.” This report is based on exclusive, verified testimonies collected by Simay Azadi correspondents and eyewitnesses inside Bandar Abbas.

No to Executions Tuesday
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Iran: 65th Week of “No to Execution Tuesdays” –Hunger Strike Expands to 40 Prisons as Executions Intensify

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April 22, 2025 – In the 65th week of the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign, political prisoners across Iran continued their weekly hunger strike against the genocidal regime’s use of the death penalty. This week, inmates from Behbahan Prison joined the movement, bringing the total number of participating prisons to 40. The No to Execution Tuesdays campaign’s latest statement focused on two alarming developments: the execution of political prisoner Hamid Hosseinnezhad Heydaranlou and the recent death sentence issued to political prisoner Pejman Soltani. “This scale of prisoner executions reflects the regime’s fear of social uprisings and serves as a serious warning to human rights organizations,” the campaign declared. According to the No to Execution Tuesdays campaign’ statement, Hamid Hosseinnezhad Heydaranlou—a 40-year-old father of three arrested in April 2023—was executed after enduring severe. His case exemplifies what the campaign called “inhumane acts by the regime against the people of Iran.” Additionally, Pejman Soltani, a Kurdish political prisoner from Bukan arrested during the 2022 protests, was recently sentenced to death. The campaign noted that since the start of the Persian year on March 20, 2024, at least 88 people have been executed in Iran. This marks a significant escalation compared to the same period last year. The campaign emphasized that these acts are not isolated incidents but part of a systemic pattern designed to suppress dissent: “Whenever it finds itself at an impasse, the execution-driven and authoritarian Iranian regime escalates its repression of the people… The primary targets are often helpless, defenseless prisoners.” With Behbahan Prison now among the 40 participating facilities, the campaign reported that its ranks are growing despite threats and retaliation. “This is a serious warning to the international community and human rights organizations not to remain silent… and to take effective and practical action to confront these inhumane executions,” the No to Execution Tuesdays campaign urged. As Week 65 concludes, the “No to Execution Tuesdays” campaign remains resolute in its mission to expose the regime’s crimes and pressure the international community to act.

Exclusive Interviews, News

Simay Azadi’s Exclusive Interview with Sebastián Basso: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ordered AMIA Bombing, Must Face Justice

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Recently, Prosecutor Sebastián Basso, head of the investigation into the bombing of the AMIA center in Buenos Aires, the capital of Argentina, requested that the judge issue both domestic and international arrest warrants for the Iranian regime’s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei. International experts and media outlets described this move as unprecedented and a significant shift in the stance previously taken by the investigative panel, which until now had considered Khamenei, as the regime’s Supreme Leader, to have “immunity.” Simay Azadi had an interview with Prosecutor Sebastián Basso to ask him about this decision and the ongoing investigation into the regime’s terrorist bombing of the AMIA. This bombing, which occurred on July 18, 1994, left 85 people dead and 300 injured. The full transcription of this interview is below: Welcome, Dr. Basso, and thank you for being with us.Thank you very much for reaching out to Argentina. Doctor, can you explain what the investigation has concluded so far about who carried out the AMIA bombing and who gave the orders?In Buenos Aires, Argentina, on July 18, 1994, there was a bombing, a car bombing, targeting a building representative of the Jewish community in Buenos Aires.That bombing resulted in the deaths of more than 80 people, countless injuries, and extensive material damage to buildings in the city. The judicial and police investigation into the attack made it possible to determine that the perpetrators were individuals linked to an organization that Argentina considers terrorist, associated with Hezbollah in Lebanon.These individuals came from outside Argentina, basically from a region in the north near the border with Brazil and Paraguay known as the Tri-Border Area.These are the people who carried out the attack, and the Argentine investigation identified a Lebanese national, Salman Raouf Salman, as the main coordinator of this bombing in Buenos Aires. The investigation in Buenos Aires determined that Salman Raouf Salman at that time had very close ties with an official at the Iranian Embassy in Buenos Aires, who served as a cultural attaché and had connections with a Shiite community in Buenos Aires named Moshen Rabbani.It was proven in the Argentine case that Rabbani, in addition to his cultural and religious activities, carried out espionage and intelligence operations for the political regime governing Iran. The investigation concluded that Hezbollah carried out the AMIA bombing under the orders of the regime that sponsors it—that is, the regime that provides weapons, money, and social and cultural support to Hezbollah’s members.That regime has governed Iran from 1979 until today. It was determined that the decision to plant a bomb at the AMIA headquarters was made in Iran, in the city of Mashhad, approximately one year earlier, during a meeting attended by the regime’s highest leader and senior government officials linked to security, defense, and foreign policy.Precisely because these individuals decided and authorized the attack that caused many deaths in Argentina, the Argentine Prosecutor’s Office believes that the Supreme Leader, Khamenei, and the senior officials who participated in that meeting and decided to carry out the bombing at AMIA, must answer to Argentine judges and sit as defendants before the courts of the Republic of Argentina. Doctor, on what grounds did you request an arrest warrant for Khamenei last week?Over the 30 years of investigation, we have gathered evidence, including testimonies from former members of the Iranian regime. Among them is a person who also testified in German courts about a terrorist attack against Iranian dissidents that took place in 1992 at the Mykonos restaurant.This individual is considered highly credible by both the German and Argentine justice systems and explained how the Iranian regime operates and why that meeting in Mashhad occurred a year earlier. In addition to that testimony, we also have statements and documents from Iranian regime dissidents, primarily located in Europe—specifically from the Iranian Mojahedin section—who, through intelligence reports, were able to confirm that a meeting indeed took place on August 14 in Mashhad.It was in that meeting that the decision was made to bomb Buenos Aires, motivated by the foreign policy interests of the Iranian regime. You also stated that Khamenei is the only person who could have authorized this attack. Can you elaborate on that?From Argentina, we needed to understand the political and legal system in Iran, which is very different from Western systems.We had to study how Iran is governed and how its legal system works, where political, legal, and religious decisions are intertwined. As a result of this study, we concluded that the only way to authorize such a heinous act—a terrorist bombing—is through the decision of a leader who simultaneously holds religious, political, and judicial authority.At this moment, the only person who fits that description is Khamenei. Therefore, we believe this was his decision, through what we interpret as a “fatwa,” and we consider that this was the only way the attack could have been executed.That is why the Prosecutor’s Office believes Khamenei must explain his role and responsibility in the bombing—whether it is as the Argentine justice system has shown, or whether he has something else to say. Doctor, we know the AMIA attack was not the only one. In 2018, for example, there was another attempted bombing in Paris targeting an event held by the National Council of Resistance of Iran. Did these similar cases strengthen your commitment to the AMIA case?To strengthen the AMIA case, we examined and studied other attacks linked to the Iranian regime that occurred in the 1980s and 1990s.Due to the timeframe, we focused only on those incidents.As I mentioned earlier, one emblematic case is the Mykonos restaurant attack in Germany. We also analyzed other attacks in France here at the Prosecutor’s Office, and additional attacks in Latin America and Asia—for example, in Panama and in Bangkok—where, under similar circumstances, we observed the presence of this Lebanese-origin group, Hezbollah.Hezbollah consistently operates under the protection of the Iranian regime and follows its orders, as Hezbollah members themselves frequently acknowledge. Do you believe pressure from the Iranian regime on the Argentine

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